Mounting losses by GPL

Introduction
If everything goes according to plan and the new Kingston Power Plant finally comes into operation within the next week or two, Guyanese can expect a reduction in the spate of blackouts that for the better part of 2009 have been plaguing the business sector, torturing households, arousing tempers and making any planning almost impossible. So bad and widespread has the situation become that it is non-discriminatory in its impact – affecting with equal effect rural and urban Guyana alike; children at school and housewives at home; commerce and industry, successful and loss-making. The financial statements inform us that the company has spent some $3.1 billion in capital expenditure for 2008, obviously with more to come in 2009, though the level of capital commitments has not been disclosed. Whatever the technical (de)/merits of these massive sums, all borne in the final analysis by the long-suffering, impoverished consumers, any kind of relief will surely be welcome, not least so that Guyanese can have a lit, if not bright Christmas. This will indeed be good news even as the Guyana Power and Light Inc. (GPL) continues to haemorrhage money for the state and the taxpayers of this country.

According to GPL’s financial statements for the year ended December 31, 2008 posted on its website, the company racked up losses before tax in 2008 of $2.9 billion, a 23% increase over 2007 and close to double the corresponding loss two years earlier. What makes this loss even more significant is that over the same period the company has shed hundreds of employees even as a handful of senior staff are paid several millions of dollars each. The financial statements show the Government advancing to the company, cumulatively, more than $7 billion, much of it interest-free, whether authorised by the National Assembly or not being another matter. It is obviously hard to understand what drives this financial irrationality and one must wonder whether the Government is satisfied with the results following changes at the top of the company.

Haemorrhage
The past few years have seen a number of changes in the company including the replacement of former Chairman Chartered Accountant Ronald Alli with privatisation czar Mr. Winston Brassington, the appointment to the Board of PPP member Desmond Mohammed and Mr. Rajendra Singh, recently appointed Deputy CEO of Guysuco. Sitting on the GPL Board as well is Mr. Carvil Duncan of FITUG, who does not seem uncomfortable at the loss of hundreds of jobs under his watch. The shedding of jobs has taken place over the token, tepid opposition from Mr. Kenneth Joseph, President of the government-friendly National Association of Agricultural, Commercial and Industrial Employees (NAACIE) to an earlier proposal to lay off 250 workers. Mr. Joseph may not have noticed but that number has been exceeded by more than 25%! It is hardly reassuring to the members of NAACIE that in the two entities in which the Union has historically been most effective – sugar and electricity – workers have seen their numbers shrink and influence reduced.

But it is not only money that the company has been losing. It is losing approximately one out of every three units of electricity it generates under the rubric of Technical and Commercial Losses, losses which have to be borne by consumers. In the past couple of years, it has also lost key management personnel including former Chief Executive Officer Rabindranath Singh, Deputy CEO Martica Thomas, Commercial Services Director Kesh Nandlall, Legal Officer Neil Bollers, and Human Resources Director Donna Tucker. Such a situation makes for depressing reading by consumers who in both absolute and relative terms pay some of the highest rates and receive some of the poorest service for electricity in the region.

Financial Highlights

2009.11.01_table1

Source: GPL’s Audited Financial Statements 2008.

But back to the finances
Total assets of the corporation increased in 2008 by $6 billion or 32%, even as inventory declined from $2.1 billion to $1.6 billion or approximately 25%. The largest drop in this asset group was in the value of fuel stock but disturbingly, the value of spares declined by 25%. Normally, as the value of plant and equipment increases, the spares to support them should increase as well, but this did not happen. Another major item in assets was what the accounts refer to as Deferred Tax Assets of $2 billion, of which a large proportion is in respect of the tax value of losses carried forward. It is open to speculation whether consumers are as optimistic as the company’s management and its auditors about the prospects of these losses being reversed any time soon and these tax losses realizing any value to the company.

Some 27% of the total assets of the company are financed by capital contributions from the Inter-American Development Bank, the Government of Guyana and private customers. GPL is one of the few service providers which can insist that its customers pay for the infrastructure to supply them which the supplier then owns, to share with other consumers as it chooses. Now it is telling those customers that they must prepay for their electricity consumption as well!

The gross amount of receivables from customers is $8.2 billion against which there is a whopping $5.2 billion Provision for Bad Debts or 64%. In other words, for every three dollars owed by customers, the company is confident of receiving only one dollar. Yet, only a couple of weeks ago, the company was boasting in one of its PR moments that the company has achieved a 100% rate of collection. That too makes little sense.

Who are the auditors?
The website financial statements bear an audit report signed by the Auditor General suggesting that he has audited the company’s financial statements. In fact the statements were audited by PKF, Barcellos, Narine & Co. to whom the audit was subcontracted. This is no simple legal technicality of principal and agent and it is entirely incorrect and highly misleading for the Audit Office to make such a misrepresentation. These statements are circulated to a wide group of users who may rely on them for a number of purposes. Unvarnished truth is therefore necessary.

Subject to that, the public would have better been able to understand the numbers if the directors act properly and post on the web the Annual Report as well. That report is ready but responding to my request for a copy, a senior member of the company told me that the report which was presented to the company’s annual general meeting some weeks ago could not be released until it has been authorised by Cabinet! Yet, only recently the company hosted media personnel over dinner and announced the appointment of Mr. Ron Robinson as its public relations consultant. The press persons should have asked about that Report and Mr. Robinson’s first piece of advice to the directors is that the best PR for any service provider is good service, transparency and accountability and that the annual report is a major PR tool. It has taken letters and several calls to the Chairman for me to have a rotting pole at my residence replaced. After about one year a new pole was planted but the old pole is still there, leaning precariously, while my calls to the GM find him always at meetings.

Prepaid meters
Another development announced by the company is the prepaid meter which would require the consumer to pay in advance for the electricity supply s/he receives. This I understand has received support from some quarters of the consumer movement and at least one prominent businessman.

I discussed the matter of prepaid meters with the relevant persons and I believe that they now realise that they may have too readily accepted the company’s arguments about the virtues of the proposed arrangement. One issue that arose during our conversation was whether the proposed arrangement falls within the Standard Terms and Conditions for Electric Service and that any amendments will have to be approved by the Public Utilities Commission.

GPL has touted its proposed move as benefiting customers since the “prepaid metering system … will allow them to manage their consumption of electricity” and that “through the new system consumers will become more knowledgeable about their electricity use and a significant reduction in demand is expected.” If the company truly believes that there will be a significant reduction in demand, one must wonder why the company is bothering to expand its capacity. I was told that the company has told a consumer representative that the system will remove the opportunity for theft! Worse, the person actually believed. The truth is that the company sees its proposed move as helping it to resolve one of its perennial problems – the collection of receivables. If every consumer is required to have prepaid meters, amounting in effect to paying for their supply in advance, the company will collect some $2 billion upfront, interest free, helping it with its cash flow problem.

The company has preferred not to engage the public in any meaningful discussion on the use of such meters but if it had it would no doubt have sought some guidance from South Africa, New Zealand, India, Philippines and Singapore where such a system has been introduced. In South Africa a number of unanticipated problems surfaced and there is universal agreement that the system often militates against the poor, just like VAT does. It is unthinking to assume that electricity can work on identical principles as cell phones and the PUC needs to consider very carefully the conditions under which it will approve any amendments to the regime under which electricity is supplied and paid for.

State of the Art v Common Sense
The company has also announced that it is implementing a US$2.8M automated Customer Information System (CIS) which it claims will boost the accuracy of the cash receipting process, improve customer service by giving prompt responses to billing requests and allow new payments to be immediately credited to a customer’s account. Not only is this an extra-ordinary amount of money for such ordinary benefits but it seems untimely that this is being done when the company is moving to prepaid meters which will reduce the need for as many accounts.

Throwing its own money, or that of its customers or shareholder, behind problems is certainly not the way a modern, large public enterprise should be run. The company is indeed a complex operation but any attempt to solve its myriad problems will first require an examination of its business model. Is it planning sufficiently long in advance and is it taking account of potential developments such as hydro in a couple of years as the President has promised?

I recall my thought in reaction to the announcement about the new software constituting a state of the art billing system. I could not help thinking that what the company needed was nothing state of the art, but simple courtesy and common sense management that does not leave a rotting pole for more than one year or allow losses to keep mounting, year after year.

Revisiting Corporate Governance

Introduction
Even accountants can benefit from a periodic encounter with history and as this column revisits the never ending journey to arrive at the Nirvana of Corporate Governance, it is good that we recall a few facts. For example, that the modern quest for good CG began in the UK in 1992. And that the reasons for that search are at least as important as the initiators of the Cadbury Report – the Financial Reporting Council, the London Stock Exchange, and the accountancy profession.

The report came on the heels of the death of Robert Maxwell while cruising on the Canary Islands in 1990, which saw the spotlight coming down on his business empire. It soon emerged that like his modern day counterpart Bernie Madoff, he had been tampering with pension funds to service huge and expensive debt burdens. Like all Ponzi Schemes that one was doomed to failure and soon after, Maxwell’s companies filed for bankruptcy protection in the UK and US. At around the same time the Bank of Credit and Commerce International, at the time the 7th largest private bank in the world with assets of US$20 billion, went bust and lost billions of dollars for its depositors, shareholders and employees. Another company, Polly Peck, received a clean report from its auditors showing healthy profits one year only to declare bankruptcy the next.

Cadbury is sweet
The financial community and the accounting profession recognised that their reputation and that of London as a world financial centre was at stake. They had an interest to act – and so they did, initiating a report that by its very name – Financial Aspects of Corporate Governance – suggest this common interest. The name also confirms that the report was concerned only with the financial aspects of CG and it was left to others to take up the non-financial elements of corporate governance. That continuous effort has been taking place across the world from America to Africa and the most recent revision of the code on corporate governance is in South Africa with the King 3 Report on Corporate Governance.

Developments in Guyana have progressed far more slowly and some very fundamental issues remain to be addressed. We will deal briefly with these in today’s column, influenced by an event abroad which touches directly on an ongoing issue in Guyana – that of having the role of the chairman of the board and the company’s CEO being performed by the same person. But the search for an appropriate corporate governance model for Guyana is bigger and wider than this. There is no one-size-fits-all solution. The search has to be informed by and takes account of the social context and legal framework of the country.

One-man shows
Our very own constitution seems to feel that there is nothing wrong with combining a host of roles burdening us with an Executive President that chairs Cabinet but not accountable to the National Assembly or to the people other than by periodic elections. GECOM also has an entrenched Executive Chairman; while the private sector organisations have structures and chairpersons or presidents who for all practical purposes are also the CEO. To be fair, there is no hard evidence that splitting the functions automatically makes for a more successful company. As the Economist of October 17, 2009 reminds us, academics over the past two decades have produced more than 30 studies comparing the financial performance of companies that divide the two roles with those that combine them. Enron and WorldCom of which readers of this column are all too familiar both split the two jobs, and so too did the Royal Bank of Scotland and Northern Rock, which had to be bailed out in the 2008/2009 financial crisis in the UK.

Principle and pressure
The case for the splitting of the jobs which started with Cadbury is however based strongly on principle – some may even say theory – democracy, and widespread practice in Canada, Australia, much of continental Europe and Britain where 95% of companies in the FTSE 350 list have an outside chairman. The corresponding number among America’s Standard & Poor’s top 1,500 companies is 47%. Yet, the economic crisis that has hit and cost the US trillions has put the defenders of the joint role on the defensive. Earlier this year, shareholders forced Ken Lewis to surrender his second hat as chairman of Bank of America.

More recently, following on their success in persuading Sara Lee – the American global fast moving consumer goods company with one of the world’s best-loved and leading portfolios of food, beverage, household and body care products – to split the two jobs, the managers of (Norway’s) Norges Bank Investment Management which manages a state pension fund of $400 billion, are trying to persuade four American companies—Harris Corporation, Parker Hannifin, Cardinal Health Incorporated and Clorox—to do likewise. They may yet succeed.

Some companies are taking action rather than be pushed. One of the first things that some of America’s troubled banks, including Citigroup, Washington Mutual, Wachovia and Wells Fargo, did when the crisis hit was to separate the two jobs. It did not matter whether the losses they suffered could have been averted by separation or that their action may be purely cynical – something had to be done and the least cost option that offered up itself was the split.

A skit
Yet the theory or the logic cannot be dismissed and therefore bear repeating. It can well be demonstrated by a skit in which the chairman who instructs the company secretary on the contents of the Agenda, calls the meeting to order and soon calls on the CEO to present the report on operations for the preceding period. At that point the Chairman takes off one hat, puts on another and addressing fellow directors through the Chairman begins “Thank you, Mr. Chairman, …..”. Since the most informed and powerful person in the room is (also) the Chairman he then directs all the questions to himself. If the boss is chairing its meetings and setting its agenda, the board cannot discharge its basic duty under the Companies Act 1991, nor can it act as a safeguard against corruption or incompetence when the possible source of that corruption and incompetence is sitting at the head of the table.

Huge Personalities
There are only a handful of public companies in Guyana with a few of them having separated the functions of chairman and those of the CEO, mainly the commercial banks. Banks DIH, DDL, Stockfeeds and Guyana Stores have not, either because of history or in the case of the latter two because of the overwhelming stake the chairman and CEO has in the company. Messrs. Clifford Reis and Yesu Persaud are such huge personalities that it is hard to expect or imagine them other than as supremo, despite the potential dangers and obvious conflicts of interest. America has not ignored the problem and its boardrooms are now more democratic than they were when Jack Welch, described by Warren Buffett as the Tiger Woods of management, ran General Electric. To reduce the concentration of power and authority in one man (it is hardly ever a woman), more than 90% of S&P 500 companies have appointed “lead” or “presiding” directors to act as a counterweight to a combined chairman and chief executive. This person is invariably chosen from among the independent directors, referred to by Cadbury as Non-Executive Directors.

The problem for us is that there is no culture of independence and directors are more often than not selected rather than elected. If a vacancy arises on a board, the directors are empowered under the company’s rules and the law to fill it as a “casual” vacancy and on every case I know of, that person’s election is a formality at the next meeting of the shareholders.

And that selection is done under the majoritarian concept known in politics as winner takes all. In business once a shareholder controls the votes at the AGM, s/he has almost unfettered powers over the company, notwithstanding the minority protection mechanisms in the Companies Act. Better, or worse for the other shareholders, if the shareholder has 51%.

The independent director
Directors’ powers derive from section 59 of the Companies Act while their duties are set out under section 96 of the Act. This requires them to act honestly and in good faith with a view to the best interest of the company, including the interest of the employees in general as well as the shareholders. In a country where it appears that the President is unaware of the provisions of the Constitution, members of the National Assembly argue about basic procedures, and leading attorneys-at-law argue over whether a magistrate can hold a voir dire, it is not unlikely that the majority of directors may never read, let alone understand the Companies Act and the “fiduciary duty” the Act imposes on them.

Non-executive directors are mainly drawn from the shareholders’ other companies and the community to bring some particular expertise or even an element of acceptability to the company. Only the most sophisticated company encourages or tolerates real independence of its independent directors who are hardly ever known for engaging publicly in controversial issues.

The price of failure
Yet with a market for share trading that is far from transparent; a media that is generally not interested in or au fait with the jargon of investing; a consequently under-informed public and under-resourced regulators including in some cases professional bodies, the non-executive directors have an important duty and function to perform. Unfortunately conflicts of interest brought on by self-interest often mean that that function is not only not discharged but more seriously is often compromised. A most telling and very recent case of this compromising of the role and duty of the non-executive director involved a Chartered Accountant who one day after clearing key directors of a company of a complaint about financial impropriety, accepts a position on their board. That not only hurts the shareholders of the company but it undermines confidence in the company and loses further respect for the accounting profession.

There are of course other issues relating to corporate governance that will require attention. These include: their application to non-public companies and if so, how; whether or not corporate governance is better dealt with under principles or guidelines; whether the Companies Act and its administration will be improved by bringing into operation the Deeds Registry Act; the nature of sanctions given that they often hurt the small shareholders who are already victims; and whether there should be protection for whistle-blowers.

For us in Guyana, the dawn may have broken in 1992. We have made little progress since.

Take from the Poor and Give to the Rich

Introduction
Perhaps not surprisingly the only feedback I received to last week’s column on tax evasion and tax avoidance was from persons who would generally be considered among the better off. And who want more from the society and the tax system because “they work hard, create jobs and have a choice.” Those comments are filled with arrogance, self-importance, self-interest and self-delusion. As though the stevedores, the public health workers, the cane-cutters and others do not work hard, or do not have a choice. They have a choice and that is why they daily flock the Passport Office in Camp Street from 5.30 AM for a passport to go to the Caribbean, North America, to anywhere, to work harder, to earn and to enjoy the fruits of their harder work.

In Guyana the tax system is heavily weighted against the poor and the commentator and columnist was only mildly exaggerating when he said that workers pay a total of 49% of their income in taxes – 33 1/3% income tax and 16% VAT. In fact that commentator forgot to mention the employees’ 5% NIS contribution which in public finance is a form of tax while the rough calculation of 49% ignores the range of zero-rated VAT items and the personal allowance of $35,000 per month. Overall however, the tax burden is very much around the 50% tax to GDP which makes Guyana one of the most heavily taxed countries in the world.

Soaking the Poor
Yet, for some reason there is no real commitment to tax reform about which we have been hearing since 1992. Tax reform is rat poison, for all practical purposes off the table, better understood by those who pay taxes than those who impose them. This is ironic, for some of the most important steps in the march to democracy involved taxation. The Boston Tea Party has to be given pride of place for its inspiration to the independence movement in the US and the iconic statement “no taxation without representation”. How can those of us who were around in the sixties, forget Peter D’Aguiar’s Axe the Tax Campaign when then Premier Dr. Cheddi Jagan sought to introduce a measure of tax reform? Ann Jardim, one of the leaders of the UF carefully ignored the introduction of new taxes but rallied the working class against a miniscule increase in the rate of the personal income tax. Today those who have followed her in the UF are part of the new scheme that takes from the poor to give to the rich, in taxes and state assets.

In the sixties, the political classes were on different sides of the political divide – a left-leaning government seeking to achieve a more equitable sharing of the benefits and responsibilities of citizenship by the trader and business class. Today while the ruling party may have vestiges of working class preferences, its Government seems beholden to the business class whose position of influence – whether at the head table at the Office of the President or at the Pegasus Poolside on Friday evenings – has come to be the defining feature of the Jagdeo Administration. We no longer hear about equity in the tax system, let alone the distinction between horizontal versus vertical equity. Indeed, any acceptance of the concept of tax reform by this Government is not out of conviction but out of a commitment made as a precondition to receive more and more gifts and grants from the donor community.

Stranglehold
Businesses’ stranglehold on the agenda is not peculiar to Guyana. The current wave of globalisation, driven first by the Reagan-Thatcher axis and adopted and sold by the international multilateral institutions across the developing world like snake oil salesmen of old, has witnessed a concentration of wealth and income and a widening of the socio-economic divide. The effect has been a corresponding increase in business’s ability to set the agenda for political discussion and its effective veto over public policy. In Guyana, under the agreements made by the Administration with the donor community any semblance of economic policy is driven by the National Competitiveness Council that is dominated by business interests rather than national interests. The NCC has been more successful at stalling in the interest of the status quo than at achieving any meaningful changes.

Recent research under President Bush revealed that elected officials tend to be unresponsive to the policy preferences of low-income citizens and that they disproportionately favour business interests and the wealthy in all areas of public policy. Like their counterparts in the US, those interests in Guyana also opt out or are favoured by a tax system set up in 1929 for the ruling plantation and trader class and only episodically reviewed subsequently for reform. Indeed, since 1929, there have been only two or three events that could qualify as tax reform and with only one being targeted at getting the rich to pay a fair share of the tax burden. The first of the reforms took place in the early sixties when Dr. Cheddi Jagan brought in Hungarian-born world-class economist and socialist thinker Professor Nicholas Kaldor, to overhaul the country’s tax system. Those reforms included the introduction of the Capital Gains Tax, the Property Tax and steeply progressive but at the highest end, counter-productive, marginal tax rates that went up to 75% from a base 5%.

Burnham and Hoyte
In 1970 the Burnham Administration enacted the Corporation Tax Act which introduced a separate regime of companies while incorporating over seventy sections of the Income Tax Act into the new Act. The next wave saw the abolition of dividend taxation and pensions, unification of the corporate tax rate, the abolition of the progressive income tax and the abolition of allowances – all pro-business and anti-worker in their effect. The PPP/C before President Jagdeo has the distinction of reversing the unification of tax rates and introducing the Minimum Corporation Tax on all, and then only on commercial, companies. Jagdeo has to his credit the immoral imposition of the 16% Value-Added Tax. Now, if tax evasion is illegal then we have to find a word for the imposition of a tax at a rate that is knowingly and admittedly excessive and wrong.

Barring one or two exceptions, every reform then has favoured the wealthy and the powerful at the expense of the poor. Here are some of the starkly contrasting provisions in the tax legislation.

1. Wages and salaries are fully taxed. Dividends are fully exempt.

2. Income from personal exertion is taxed at 33 1/3%. Capital gains and interest income are taxed at 20%.

3. The employer-provided vehicle, and sometimes more than one, driver(s) and security are fully exempt from tax. A travel allowance to the worker to help her defray the cost of getting from home to work is fully taxed.

4. The entertainment allowance paid to the executive is fully exempt; the meal allowance paid to the worker is taxable unless a strong case is made for it to a skeptical and uncompromising revenue officer who will claim that a meal is a private expense. As if entertainment does not include a high level of private benefit as well.

5. There is no limit to the pension that is tax-free. Most workers on retirement have to make do with under $20,000 per month. The retired top-executive receives hundreds of thousands tax free.

6. Overseas passage assistance – a throwback to the British planter class, is exempt for all but can only be enjoyed by those with spending power.

7. The working poor are taxed at source; the self-employed with all their benefits and concessions, can decide how much tax they want to pay.

8. There are ethnic and gender biases in the tax system that no one even wants to whisper, let alone acknowledge or debate.

9. The wage earner gets no deductions or allowances; business can deduct most expenses, whether it be the magazine or the business trip.

10. Duty and tax concessions favour those who have economic or political power over those who do not. Just look at the beneficiaries of the duty-free vehicles.

11. Businesses get tax holidays; their workers’ earnings are fully taxed.

12. The entrepreneur has a choice between taxable and tax-exempt business activities; the employee’s only choice is not to work.

No vision, no tax reform
The above, is a brief review of the relative position of the workers versus the executives and the “entrepreneur” under our tax laws. Those laws clearly cry out for reform. But then as the late Richard Musgrove, public finance specialist said, tax reform needs a clear and detailed vision of where we are going – a vision that is sadly lacking in President Jagdeo. That is why he could be so easily diverted to the LCDS as a tunnel-vision strategy for development and even as he heads CARICOM, could be completely sold on a Continental Destiny with neighbouring Brazil. If what he said in a recent speech he gave at a private function is to be believed, he is now looking to Brazil to help us with our rice industry even as his Government pumps $400 million in what by implication is an inefficient industry.

The cry for reform, no matter how compelling or loud, is unlikely to be heard or to win support from those of power within and influence without. A review I saw recently by a leading donor to the Guyana economy, actually praises the country’s fiscal performance, completely ignoring the tax burden that the citizens of the countries making up that donor would regard as completely unacceptable given the low level of public benefits available in Guyana. In many of those countries the entertainment allowance is now denied at the corporate level and in Australia the Keating Tax Reform Package dealt an effective blow at non-cash fringe benefits.

Conclusion
But at the domestic level there simply is no need or pressure for reform. With perhaps a single exception, the top tier of the opposition political parties has shown no interest in tax reform, confirming the view that there is no ideological or class difference among the political elites. Labour has been emasculated by personal interests and petty rivalry exploited by, again, the politically powerful while Ann Jardim’s successor is just another of that elite.

The Ministry of Finance has been depressingly slow at taking any initiatives in tax policies. It has left these to the tax administrators, a fundamentally flawed position – the two roles and functions being obviously different. We need lower rates of tax both on individuals and corporate, removing not the loopholes but the chasms that in some cases discount the nominal rate of tax by as much as 75%. We need a society in which the fiscal benefits and obligations are shared and borne fairly by all and in which relief must not be sought in tax evasion.

Similarly, the President has allowed elements in the private sector to hijack the social and economic debate including tax reform. If any progress is to be made, then the hijackers will have to be brought into line. Failing that, we are left with an inequitable and dysfunctional tax system, high tax rates and massive evasion. That is in no one’s interest.

Question: What’s the difference between tax avoidance and tax evasion?

Answer: the thickness of a prison wall

That is how the former Labour Chancellor of the Exchequer in the UK, Denis Healey defined the two related practices but which have distinctly separate consequences. He was also tough on tax evasion and also said “It will squeeze the rich until the pips squeak.” The first quote in fact matches the general view on the contrasting level of permissibility of what others may call aggressive tax practices. Remember however that Mr. Healey made his statement decades ago. Internationally, things have changed since then and not only tax administrators but legislators and very importantly, the courts, certainly in the more advanced economies, are taking more direct action against aggressive tax practices.

It may in fact be due to Bush’s War on Terror targeting not only those who pulled the trigger or threw the bomb but those who financed those who pulled the trigger or threw the bomb. The evidence is that the coordinated and sustained efforts to contain domestic tax evaders and the tax haven jurisdictions that have for decades facilitated them are yielding significant results. As one international tax specialist wrote recently, “the seemingly endless game of cat and mouse seems to be shifting largely to the cat’s advantage.”

In 2008, Germany paid an informant for records taken illegally from a Liechtenstein bank, in an effort to track down German tax cheats including some of its international tennis stars. But it was the United States that has shaken the very foundation of Swiss bank secrecy – which essentially forbids access to information of or about the account of any person other than the account holder – when it demanded from the Swiss bank UBS the names of 52,000 account holders suspected of tax evasion. The Swiss initially refused but the tide had been turning against those “fiscal and moral termites who have been eating away at tax revenue bases throughout the world in an unprecedented fashion over the last thirty or so years.”

The Swiss blinked and now the Obama Administration is planning to go even further with the enactment of new legislation, the Stop Tax Haven Abuse Act – that is designed to better enable US authorities to obtain information about offshore trusts and accounts used by Americans to hide their income and assets from the Internal Revenue Service of the US. The position is that the US can access the information under the scores of Double Taxation Treaties which the US has with countries across the world or under what are called Tax Information Exchange Agreements such as the one it has with Guyana. In the alternative, the US simply threatens sanctions against those it considers uncooperative.

Tax evasion, tax avoidance and tax planning
It seems fairly simple to distinguish between tax evasion and tax avoidance. It is the difference between working outside the law and working within the law (though against its spirit). Tax evasion can and often is contrasted with tax avoidance, but also with tax planning/mitigation, and it is here that the issue becomes difficult. Tax evasion typically involves the non-payment of a tax that would properly be chargeable if the taxpayer made a full and true disclosure of income and allowable deductions. Common examples of tax evasion include a deliberate failure by a business to report the full amount of revenue received or the deliberate claiming of a deduction by a business for an expenditure it has neither incurred nor paid. There is no ambiguity about tax evasion – it is illegal and a crime under our laws. On the other hand, tax avoidance can be considered either as permissible or impermissible, although they are not that easy to distinguish.

Tax planning or tax mitigation can be traced back to a well-known and oft quoted case involving the Duke of Westminster in which the court ruled that “every man is entitled to order his affairs so that the tax attaching under the appropriate Acts is less than it otherwise would be”. One simple example of tax planning is where a business promoter makes his decision on the form of the entity on the basis of the applicable tax considerations. If the trader was to set up a company it would be taxed at 45% and be subject to Minimum Corporation Tax. On the other hand if he operates under his or a business name the profits all accrue to him and the trader would be taxed as an individual at the personal tax rate of 33 1/3%. Tax planning may also include the decision to lease or buy an asset which would have different tax consequences but both of which are entirely legal.

Pandemic
Where it becomes really difficult is in respect of “impermissible tax avoidance”, which refers to artificial or contrived arrangements, with little or no actual economic impact upon the taxpayer, and which are usually designed to manipulate or exploit perceived “loopholes” in the tax laws in order to achieve results that conflict with or defeat the intention of Parliament. In fact this is what section 74 of our Income Tax Act seems to address but uses the words “artificial” and “fictitious” and gives the Commissioner wide powers to disregard or set aside such transactions. In tax jargon our section 74 is a general anti-avoidance rule (GAAR) and is designed to protect the revenue base from erosion by “fiscal termites” that seem to have created a pandemic in our economy, much worse than any Swine Flu or AIDS. .

Since revenue collection is a primary function of any tax system, any systematic and widespread avoidance activity will clearly have an adverse impact on that function. But avoidance does more than this – it also significantly affects the efficiency and equity of tax systems by siphoning off resources from more productive ventures, redistributing the tax burden and threatening to undermine compliance. We seem not to care that the poor employees are burdened by high and unavoidable tax personal taxes and wrongly charged VAT, all for the benefit of the private sector entrepreneurs, a term that has come to include drug dealers, money launderers and tax dodgers.

Changing administrative approach
Across the major economies, national revenue authorities have been taking measures to identify and shut down perceived impermissible tax avoidance activities. Within the UK, Her Majesty’s Revenue and Customs Anti-Avoidance Group co-ordinates anti-avoidance activity including litigation strategies in relation to avoidance. To counter tax avoidance, the Group deploys its resources where it considers the risk greatest and provides direction for the effective use of resource within other areas of HMRC. The approach is now a form of cooperation between the tax authorities and larger entities that is designed to bring about effective consultation, certainty and speedy resolution of tax issues. Changing from the old command style tax administration to a more co-operative approach, the authorities enter arrangements with the taxpayer whereby the latter would submit its tax strategy on a particular issue and have this cleared by the tax authorities in return for which it is saved the time and cost of revenue audits and litigation.

Another approach is increased cooperation among the tax authorities of various countries with the Organisation for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD) and the Joint International Tax Shelter Information Centre set up by Australia, Canada, the UK and the US being prime examples.

The tax authorities are also aware that much of the tax avoidance by the big companies is hatched and or blessed by their tax advisors.

They have therefore not been hesitant to go after the larger accounting firms that design and market packaged boutique packages sold under attractive but expensive labels including asset protection and the virtues of mainly offshore tax shelters.

Both corporate as well as high-net worth individuals seems to consider the risks associated with tax evasion as more than compensated for by the rewards.

The changing attitude of the courts
The Duke of Westminster case (1936) has long dominated the thinking of the courts and more recently they have propounded what is called the Ramsay principle (1982) under which the courts would examine transactions that seem to have no commercial purpose and ignore or set them aside as envisaged by section 74 of our Income Tax Act.

The Ramsay principle was seen as a separate theory of revenue law which said that tax laws must be interpreted very strictly in favour of the taxpayer. That principle appears to have ended in 2005 in a case that came before the House of Lords.

The latest case essentially ruled that tax provisions dealing with tax evasion should be given a purposive construction which could have wide effect since all anti-avoidance measures are designed to prevent tax evasion. But life will never be as simple as this and no doubt the courts will continue to be challenged by the creativity of tax advisors and dishonest taxpayers even as the nature of transactions become ever novel and complex even for tax administrations.

The Guyana scene
There does not appear to have been any reported case out of the Guyana courts addressing section 74. That is equally true of the region with one notable exception in Jamaica, involving a leading case on asset stripping, under similar anti-avoidance provisions.

On the other hand, there are some frequently used permissible tax planning strategies, none of which again appear to have reached the courts but this is because they have not been challenged by the Revenue Authority. Some of the more common strategies include the structuring of the business (corporate or individual); the efforts to take advantage of the differential tax rates applicable to companies (non-commercial company and therefore taxed at 35% or commercial and taxed at 45%); and transactions designed to benefit from low or no tax under some of the provisions under Double Taxation Treaties of which the Caricom Treaty is a prime example.

What seems more common is the rank tax evasion where income is blatantly ducked and the money laundered abroad under the permissive exchange control regime we enjoy and very often abuse.

Another is to charge all forms of personal expenses to the business and get full deductibility while yet another is the use of fake invoices which overstate the figures in the accounts and understate those given to the Customs, both of which are accepted unknowingly by the GRA. Businesses can generally count on finding a friendly accountant willing to sign off on their make believe financial statements that seem to get past just as easily, the tax authorities as well as the lending institutions.

Guyana is the only regional country that has a net property tax capturing the assets held here and abroad. The overseas assets are almost invariably overlooked by the GRA despite arrangements that allow for the exchange of information with the tax authorities of all our major trading partners. The Cambios seem custom-designed to facilitate such evasion while the country appears only willing to pretend that we have serious intentions about preventing money laundering.

One glaring example of how tax evasion takes place under the noses of those in administrative, political and professional positions is with respect to political donations. It is known that businesses contribute significantly to the elections war chest of the major political parties, sometimes more than they pay in taxes. Yet, none of this gets its way into the books. Is it just possible that some of these donors who are feted under the full glare of publicity actually pay more to the political parties than in taxes? Or is it that they consider that this gives them tax immunity?

Conclusion
Tax reform in our case has first to deal with tax evasion and administration. This government has been paying lip service to tax reform ever since it came to power seventeen years ago. Unless it thinks that imposing VAT on top of high personal tax rates is tax reform, it has done nothing and tax evasion is now worse than it has ever been. VAT has brought in immoral windfalls, reducing the incentive for reform which the Government has delegated to the National Competitiveness Strategy. So far, that body which is chaired by the President has shown no intention, appetite or capacity to deal with it. And the GRA is either overwhelmed by the level and scale of tax evasion or is not utilising the tools and deploying the resources at its disposal to deal with the crisis.

The audited financial statements and annual reports were used to analyse NBS

I am pleased to see some new names surfacing in the discussion of topical issues. It suggests that there may yet be persons out there prepared to engage seriously in these issues even if sometimes without a sufficient knowledge or understanding of the facts. I therefore consider it useful to address some of the more salient matters raised by Mr Salim Khan in his letter in the Stabroek News of October 6, 2009 ‘Assessments from critics of NBS are counterproductive.’

1. Mr Khan claims I have a peeve about the NBS, having served as a director of the Society. I grant him an unchallenged right to psychoanalyse my writings and personality.

2. Mr Khan recommended that the facts be checked, although there is no evidence that he himself did so. Not only do I always use the audited financial statements and annual reports of the Society for my periodic analysis but before the most recent Business Page, I wrote the Society’s Director Secretary for a copy of the half-year 2009 financials. He is yet to acknowledge my request. Would Mr Khan please help?

3. With NBS being the only Building Society in the country, Mr Khan may wish to tell readers which industry in which country he is referring to in claiming that “NBS’s financial position is as sound as any in the industry.”

4. Can Mr Khan explain what he means in his letter by a “simplistic portfolio of loans” and whether he thinks that the board was wrong to support the members’ motion at the 69th AGM for a Board Loans Sub-Committee?

5. Is Mr Khan aware that commercial banks are subject to two rules on provisioning against doubtful loans – IAS 39 and Bank of Guyana Supervision Guideline 5, the latter of which does not apply to NBS?

6. If Mr Khan would care to read my reviews of the commercial banks’ annual reports posted at chrisram.net, he would immediately realise that their interest spread is a criticism that I invariably make. Having said that, I wonder if Mr Khan knows the following:

a. That unlike the regulated financial and banking businesses, the NBS does not maintain a non-interest bearing statutory deposit with the Bank of Guyana. If they did, it would easily mean on the basis of NBS’s 2008 financial statements setting aside more than $3 billion dollars as non-income earning assets. By not doing so, NBS can earn, at the average rate of interest it earned on mortgages in 2008, income of $275 million not available to the commercial banks.

b. That the NBS is exempt from corporation taxes and consequently for every $100 net income earned by the Society, the commercial banks paying corporation tax at the rate of 45% would have to earn $180.

c. For those commercial banks approved for lending for low income housing, the ceiling is $3 million per loan while in the case of the NBS it is $12 million.

d. That the NBS pays no property tax which on its 2008 net asset position would amount to approximately $40 million annually.

e. That legislatively, NBS with its emphasis on mortgages and prescribed limits, is precluded from the risks of commercial lending faced by the commercial banks.

7. When stacked up against those realities, it is surprising that the NBS does not report higher surpluses than it currently does.

The reason in my view is the result of the inefficiencies of the monopolistic privileges enjoyed by the NBS under statute, politicised, ineffective and self-serving governance and a board and management that lack the range of skills that a modern financial institution needs in a competitive environment.

8. Mr Khan is the only person I know who speaks as a keen observer but who considers directing business to the competition a virtue. As far as I am aware, the only business the NBS ever directed to competing lending institutions was for temporary, bridge financing during the period when the security for loans was being perfected.

Thereafter, the NBS would grant the loan including such amount as to liquidate the bridge-financing.

I trust that I have clarified and addressed Mr Khan’s issues and look forward to his extending me reciprocal courtesies. I trust too that others, including the directors of the NBS, who make similarly uninformed comments and claims, would be guided accordingly.