Business and Economic Commentary by Christopher Ram Part 5

March 8, 2024

A Table of a Chart and a Graph

Introduction

Today I will deliberately use the Chinese aphorism that “a picture is worth a thousand words” with great effect. So, with two pictures, we start with two thousand words which takes me over my word limit. Some weeks ago, the Government announced that two historic cricket grounds and green spaces in Georgetown are being handed over to its Middle Eastern friends from Qatar and their exclusive clientele for the paltry sum of $2 Bn, or less than US$10 Mn! Forget for a moment that the President and Vice President seem incapable of distinguishing between the State and the Government, or that selling in the absence of a robust valuation was their alleged ground for wanting to jail former Finance Minister Winston Jordan.

As dessert, VP Jagdeo, who is no stranger to tax holidays, indicated that the Qataris will have a 10-year tax holiday! We recall that about fifteen years ago, Jagdeo publicly insulted the late Yesu Persaud for being ignorant of the tax laws when the icon asked for equality and equity of tax concessions. Yet, any ignorance was on the part of Mr. Jagdeo who had extended concessions to his friend Dr. Bobby Ramroop, which the law did not allow. Mr Jagdeo showed no embarrassment or contrition over his error but rushed to change the law to accommodate Dr. Ramroop.

The wealthy poor

Let us look at the two charts. The first is by energy consultants Rystad Energy (which is duly acknowledged) showing that Guyana now has the highest per capita petroleum of any country in the world. And by far. Even if we estimate the population to be 800,000, it means that each Guyanese has a claim to 16,250 barrels of oil, the value of which at roughly US$80 per barrel, means that every man, woman and child is worth about US#1.3 Mn! For the moment, let us forget that Exxon and the Government are concealing several additional billions of barrels from Guyanese. Of course, these are gross values from which expenses have to be deducted, as they are for every other country on the chart. By any measure, however, that is a lot of money.

Sadly, these numbers seem to mean nothing to this Administration or to suggest to them that there ought to be a better revenue sharing between Guyana and the oil companies. Nor does It stir them that Guyanese are still queuing for freeness, teachers have to strike for better pay, and the working struggle to make ends meet even as the oil companies take a disproportionate share of the patrimony of the people and their officials live a life that would make the British Raj envious.

Tax to GDP ratio

Now for the second graph. It shows the tax collected by the central Government relative to the gross domestic product of the country. By this measure, Guyana has the lowest tax to GDP ratio across the entire Commonwealth Caribbean countries. It further tells us is that Guyana collects even less tax as a proportion of GDP than the near-tax free countries of the Caribbean. Guyana’s ratio is about a quarter of Dominica’s, a third of Grenada’s, and about half of Antigua and Barbuda’s, its nearest comparator.

Source: International Monetary Fund Website. All percentages are stated for 2022 except for Guyana which is stated for 2023.

It is difficult to accept that Guyana’s economic managers can believe that oil revenues displace the need for taxation and that we can go handing out tax concessions to any friend or flatterer. That is the President’s chosen role in the economy. He gave away huge tax concessions to the CPL cricket extravaganza – outside of the law – and continues to do so whenever he brings regional artistes to entertain the masses.  

But the VP will not be outshone. He has taken it upon himself not only to give away state land without any consideration of its implications for the national interest but also tax holidays to persons who have neither applied for nor are entitled to them. The Income Tax (In Aid of Industry) Act is clear – it must be for “new economic activity of a developmental and risk-bearing nature”. It seems that neither the Vice-President nor the President has any respect for the laws or resources of the country, or the intelligence of its people. 

Guyana recently entered into a Double Taxation Treaty with the United Arab Emirates that is all one-sided. That has not even made the news. But now, completely outside of a treaty, the Qataris enjoy exceptionally cheap land, irreplaceable resources, no taxes and the red carpet. This cannot be rational, responsible or reasonable. It is more like recklessness and drunkenness with power. Or is it the resource curse?

My contention remains it is unjustifiable for the ordering of products by Banks DIH from the Netherlands to be routed through Florida

Dear Editor,

It is commendable that Banks DIH Limited has responded, in a full-page ad, to my recent commentaries on the company. Unfortunately, the membership, readership and the company’s reputation would have been better served by less obfuscation, diversion, distortion and ad hominem attacks. Let me state categorically that while it might be a fear, it is certainly not a fact that I have ever been an advisor to the Guyana Securities Council. The allegation was mischievous and false.

Let me state again and, hopefully for the last time, that Banks’ Chairman has personal knowledge of blandishments and carrots offered to me some years ago when I challenged the Company’s short notice for an annual general meeting. My response was that a notice is a personal matter, and it was outside the powers of an individual shareholder to waive a statutory right of any other shareholder.

I will now briefly respond to the substantive major points enumerated in the full-page ad.

1. Re-routing transactions through Florida. The ad appears to convey the impression that the court legitimised this extensive series of transactions. The court did no such thing. The sole issue before the court was whether the payment of commissions of $562,123,894 between 2009 and 2016 arose outside of Guyana and therefore not subject to withholding tax. My contention then and now is that it is unnecessary, wasteful and unjustifiable  for the ordering of products from the Netherlands to be routed through Florida. Nor is it credible that a supplier of decades standing “does not treat with [Banks DIH Ltd] in relation to financial matters,” as the company sworn in an affidavit. Banks DIH is not a pariah company nor is Guyana an AML-blacklisted country. My concern was evaded in a maze of obfuscation.

2. The new holding company. I questioned the decision to convert Banks DIH Limited into a private company. What the directors do not tell us is that the application for the “arrangement” was made to the Court ex parte, despite the fact that Banks has two regulators  directly, and four regulators as a group. Yet, the company did not, from the public records, notify any regulator. Evading responsibility for this simplistic adventure, the ad states that “the decision was made pursuant to advice from BDO, accountants.”

The company boasts that the decision for the conversion had 99.9% support. Yet, shareholders engaged me privately complaining that they do not understand the nature of the transaction. When I suggested questions that could be asked of the directors, the response was “you know this place.”

3. Payment of dividends. My concerns were about the company’s dividend payout ratio which is among the lowest of public companies in Guyana and the Region, and about the transaction cost of paying a dividend of less than a dollar on small shareholdings. Here is an example. Say that the company pays an interim dividend of $0.45 per share to a non-resident person who owns one thousand shares. That is $450 from which withholding tax of 20% has to be deducted, converted to foreign currency, and the net paid over. That leaves the shareholder with less than two US Dollars. Again, evasion and obfuscation.

4.  A share re-purchase agreement of December 2016. My question was the reason for paying more than the market price under a share repurchase agreement. That speaks for itself but like the company did then and again now, it evades the real issue and its only recourse is a personal attack and a veiled threat of reporting me to the Institute of Chartered Accountants of Guyana. What an undignified response.

In my Business and Economics Commentary column this coming Friday, I will be publishing an open letter to the Company’s Audit Committee Chairman of my concerns as the holder of 117,000 shares in the Company.

Christopher Ram     

My overall finding is that the Gov’t can pay much more than the 6.5% it has offered teachers

Dear Editor,

Two events usually attract misinformation, once known as propaganda. These are wars and strikes. In a war, each side pushes information to show that it is doing better than the enemies – in fatalities, losses and territory. In a strike, the employer understates the support for the strike while the workers’ representatives overstate that support and the moral imperatives of their cause. In similar vein, I have seen numbers cited by some closer to the facts, such as the Chief Education Officer and the leadership of the Teachers’ Union.

In the case and context of the current strike I went to sources I consider most objective, if not always very clear – the 2024 Estimates. From these, I could make some reasonable assumptions and deductions on the affordability of any increase. What I also found is that some of the numbers cited by some non-associated persons like Dr. Tara Singh were off the mark by quite significant margins. My overall finding is that the Government can pay much, much more than the 6.5% it has offered teachers.

I say this even as I concede that the Estimates are not the easiest of documents to read and that the reader has to plow through dozens and dozens of pages and make rough assumptions arising therefrom, including how the averages pan out. Here are some of those numbers. The provision in the 2024 Estimates shows an increase in the allocation for Wages and Salaries for teachers, exclusive of related overhead costs, of 25% over 2023. Of course, the number of teachers is also expected to increase, even after natural attrition. The crude average annual increase in the number of teachers over the past three completed years was approximately 9%. The projection for 2024 is 14% of which we can assume that the significant increase will come at the beginning of the new academic year in September. From this, we can deduce an increase in the effective number of teachers for the school year to be about 5%.

Let us then assume that the Government is unwilling to make this up via savings from part of the total capital budget or by way of supplementary appropriation, the 2024 Budget appears to allow a 20% increase to the teachers for 2024. Except for some related costs that are ad valorem, the other charges are already provided for in the approved Estimates.

The Government can afford this and the teachers deserve nothing less.

Christopher Ram

Business and Economic Commentary by Christopher Ram – Part 4

March 2, 2024

Time for Guyana to have a code of Corporate Governance

Introduction

For decades, the captains of Guyana industry – almost all men – have resisted the introduction  of a binding code of corporate governance. It has not been for want of effort. There have been numerous efforts at the establishment of a code of corporate governance including one by the Securities Council and another by the Private Sector Commission. Neither of these came to fruition and there is now a total void with companies limited to more narrow codes issued for particular sector, or to practices likely to get past a general body of unenlightened shareholders.

In a column I did several years ago, I wrote that the international quest for a modern corporate governance code began in the UK in 1991. Then Pime Minister John Major appointed a committee headed by Sir Adrian Cadbury following a number of high-profile corporate failures which were attributed to poor governance, poor accounting and inadequate disclosures. The most significant corporate failures were the Maxwell Communications Corporation scandal in 1991 which surfaced after chairman Robert Maxwell died in the most unusual circumstances, revealing that he had fraudulently misappropriated hundreds of millions of British pounds belonging to the group’s pension schemes. Then there was the failure of the Bank of Credit and Commerce International which collapsed after an investigation revealed that it had been engaged in fraud and money laundering.

As its formal name implies – the Report of the Committee on the Financial Aspects of Corporate Governance published in December 1992 – the Cadbury Report really had a fairly narrow focus. Its principal recommendations emphasised improving corporate governance and accountability in public companies in the United Kingdom. There was more to follow. South Africa in 1994 saw the King Report on corporate governance, now recognised internationally as perhaps the leading code of corporate governance of any country of the world. Germany published its code in 2002 with Japan following some years later. A code for the US followed the debacle of Enron and WorldCom failures and took the legislative route with the passing of the Sarbanes-Oxley Act (2002).

Particularly in the UK and South Africa, there were iterations and additions in subsequent years with the UK now having a full corporate governance code embodying several other reports while in South Africa, the King Report is now in its fourth iteration.

Guyana’s Experiences

A Business Page I authored years ago had reported that the Council of the Private Sector Commission (PSC) of Guyana on 7 April  2011 had accepted a Code on Corporate Governance which could have some transformational effect on the way Guyana companies are managed. Like the draft Code published by the Securities Council, the PSC’s code did not get far, effectively killed by officers of the PSC itself. As I wrote then, the then Chairman of the PSC was Mr Ramesh Dookhoo, an executive of Banks DIH while Mr Chintamani (DEMTOCO) had been a member of the executive of the PSC. They could not persuade their own companies to adopt the PSC’s Code, with Chintamani pouring scorn on the idea of a mandatory code.

So here we are, decades later with no Code and a PSC that has become no more than ceremonial and largely inactive. What the absence of a code does is allow for poor governance with directors handpicked by an all-powerful chairman who reports to himself and a compliant set of directors. Directors’ turnover is minimal, and it is striking that since their formation, both Banks DIH Limited and Demerara Distillers Limited have been firmly controlled for decades under hereditary fiat by four men – Peter D’Aguiar and Clifford Reis at Banks DIH Limited and Yesu Persaud and Komal Samaroo at DDL. Independent directors are almost invisible and ineffective, serving at the will of the Chairman while the executive directors are not subject to election or re-election. The shareholders with any real voice and influence are the Institutional investors but these operate as cartels, even at the cost of their own interest.

Guyana’s Failures

Guyana too, has had more than its fair share of failures with Globe Trust and CLICO as standouts, but Guyana Refrigerators, Stockfeeds and many state-owned companies have also suffered. Yet, no meaningful action has been taken to strengthen corporate governance and to prevent a recurrence. These are not simply issues for the seven days’ news cycle. Companies will fail because of the type of industry they are in, because of technological advances and because of particular unique circumstances. But good corporate practices, careful planning and open communication do help in anticipating and preventing failures.

Boards have made too many costly blunders because of directors’ failures such as DDL investing in facilities in a dry state in India and Banks DIH making some costly strategic and tactical blunders, all with total immunity. This should not continue. There is a complete disconnect between a country determined to take its place among the richest in the world, tolerating corporate government practices that are backward, ineffective and which stifle growth and development.

Conclusion

A code not only sets the minimum standards of governance in companies but also requires them to report on how they apply relevant corporate governance principles, and also to be responsible enough to give an explanation to the shareholders of the reason(s) if they deviate from the code – the ‘comply or explain’ principle. The code also calls on companies to provide information on their corporate governance policies and principles at the request of shareholders for further evaluation, the very things DEMTOCO said they would only provide if the law so required it.

None of the senior members of the government have any corporate experience and would seem ill equipped to appreciate how the absence of a corporate governance code retards the development of the country. Yet, it is a great opportunity for the Minister of Business to convene a meeting of the Private Sector Commission and the securities council asking them to set up a  committee with the express purpose of formulating a code of corporate governance. Let the Private Sector explain why it is not supportive of such a code.

Every Man, Woman and Child in Guyana Must Become Oil-Minded – Column 122 – March 1, 2024

Introduction

The Ali Administration has been promising continually that an independent, competent Petroleum Commission will be appointed to oversee the operations of the oil and gas sector. But like it has done in relation to the confirmation of the constitutional offices of Chancellor of the Judiciary and the Chief Justice, promises by the Administration seem not to count for much. The most immediate breach and broken commitment is of course in relation to the constitutional guarantee to workers that they have a right to free collective bargaining. Parents are painfully aware that that right is openly denied to teachers and worse, they are being victimised for exercising another constitutional right – the right to strike.

While these brazen acts by the Government cannot be exaggerated, it defies logic, commonsense and experience to belief that a political overseer of the dominant sector of the economy is better and more effective than an independent body made up of professionals. Worse, it is costing this country dearly in several ways. Surely such a body would have done a better job overseeing the operation of the 2016 Agreement under which ExxonMobil is allowed free rein to do whatever it pleases. Had we had a petroleum Commission, Exxon would not have been allowed to get away with overstating of its pre-contract costs; or in flouting the provisions of the Agreement regarding the audit of petroleum operations; the writing-off of US$211 Million in unsubstantiated expenses, or engaging and colluding with the government in violation of the Agreement with respect to the gas-to-shore project; or in violating the implied conditions regarding ring fencing.

The Vice President’s performance

All those violations are possible and permitted because a) the Government has for some reason reneged on its commitment to renegotiate the 2016 Agreement, b) is seen as a walkover, and c) not even capable of achieving the lesser standard of better contract administration. It is clear that the President did not appoint Mr. Jagdeo to oversee the oil sector: What is more likely is that he appointed himself, flexing his muscles as the General Secretary of the PPP/C. But who else can be responsible if not Jagdeo? Put under the microscope, the vice president’s performance in the oversight of the sector leaves a whole lot to be desired. This became so painfully obvious in an answer he gave to a newspaper reporter at his weekly press conference held at the office of the ruling party of which he is the general secretary.

Here is the question posed by a female reporter who from Mr. Jagdeo’s response came not from the Kaieteur News but from Mr. Glenn Lall. “Last week you said Exxon has $20 billion in assets out there which can be sold to take care of an oil spill in the event it occurs. Can you list the assets they have that equal twenty billion.”

My instinct was to quote Mr. Jagdeo’s response in its entirety, but I was not sure that that would get past the editor. Whether the tone of his answer was because it was a woman who asked the question or because she came from the Kaieteur News, or he wanted to impress the audience, is not clear.Yet, his response exposed his own limitations in oil and gas than was ever so glaring before. To parody Winston Churchill, never before have so many mistakes been made in so few words by such an elevated office holder. He asked and answered in the negative the question whether the reporter had read to balance sheet of Exxon, advising the reporter to look at the balance sheet but then demonstrated his own unfamiliarity of those numbers but diverting his audience to Hess and Chevron. For his information, one looks not only at assets but also at the liabilities. At 31 – 12 – 2023, the net assets of Exxon Guyana amounted to US$7 Billion.

His statement of a merger between Chevron and Hess is also wrong. It was a takeover by Chevron.

It was too much to expect vice president to know that if there are changes in the composition of the contractors, the agreement required that such assignment be permitted. Given the challenge by Exxon to the deal, it seems clear that Hess has been pushed aside, in fact if not technically.

The errors mounted. The VP challenged the reporter’s knowledge by asking and telling her that she does not know the value that Chevron placed on Hess, and that that figure was US$60 Mn. Wrong again, except if he disregards the small matter of US$7 billion. Then he goes into a story about the stock market, Hess’ global assets and how much is attributable to Guyana which with his fuzzy math, he put at US$30 billion. In fact, the balance sheet to which he pointed the reporter suggested that even the gross assets did not come close to the number, let alone the net assets, which was about one-tenth of that number. Yet, Jagdeo claims that given the “value that Chevron placed on Hess’ shares in Guyana, you have a $100 billion company in Guyana.”

To conflate stock market price with asset price is not something one expects from a former Finance Minister.

So, he completely evaded the question about Exxon’s US$20 billion and gives a lesson to the reporter that is wrong. But there is also a fundamental issue – Jagdeo expects the book value of an oil company to pay for the environmental disaster involving those very assets. Perhaps he was talking rather than thinking. With this display, clearly Mr. Jagdeo cannot perform as an oil minister, let alone a substitute for a Petroleum Commission.