VAT no burden? What does Jagdeo know

Introduction
In his press briefing on Friday, October 22, 2010, President Jagdeo said that he does not see the Value Added Tax as a burden and therefore there is no need to revise it with a view to lowering the rate. He sought to divert calls for a reduction in the rate of VAT by spinning the consistent increases in the VAT collection as a result of widening the tax net and because of the better performance of the economy over the years. This to me demonstrates how little respect Jagdeo has for the nation and its intelligence.

At one level Jagdeo is right, that he personally does not see VAT as a burden. Indeed he would have been just as right had he said he sees no tax as a burden. And for one very simple reason. He pays no tax in Guyana. Under section 13 of the Income Tax Act, his official emoluments are exempt from income tax. And section 6 of the Property Tax specifically makes that act inapplicable to the President while section 5 of the Capital Gains Tax says that if Property Tax does not apply, then neither does Capital Gains Tax.

Presidential tax planning
Because rental income is not official emoluments it was not tax efficient for President Jagdeo to lease his Pradoville One house, since the net rental would have attracted income tax at the rate of 33⅓%. So what did the President do? Instead, he reportedly sold the property for $120M that no more than two years earlier he had valued in a division of property matter with Ms Varshnie Singh at $10 million. On that transaction alone President Jagdeo saved in Capital Gains Tax approximately $22 million! If the property had been rented over a period of time to earn the same $120 million, then assuming that the maintenance costs were borne by the tenant, he would have had to pay $40 million in taxes.

In other words, the sale by President Jagdeo of his property, the land for which he received at a subsidised value from the state, has cost the tax system between $22 million and $40 million! See why everyone wants to be a president? And on a salary of $1.5 million per month, the state forgoes income tax of close to $10M each year.

In fairness to President Jagdeo, he did not write the tax laws of which he is now the major beneficiary. That was done by Mr Forbes Burnham, whom many describe in unprintable language. Despite their socialist claims, neither of the Jagans thought of repealing this generous piece of legislation. But what Mr Jagdeo has done is made what was a temporary, ex officio benefit into a life-long benefit. Below are the benefits under the former presidents legislation he signed.

Presidential burden
For the rest of his life, President Jagdeo – and all future presidents as well – will enjoy, at the expense of the state, a free and unlimited supply of water, electricity and telephone services to his Guyana home; unspecified numbers of clerical and technical staff, gardener, maid and personal staff; fully paid medical attendance and treatment for himself and family, without limitation; full-time personal security and services of the Presidential Guard Service; unspecified number of vehicles to be provided, all expenses and costs paid by the state; two first-class return airfares provided on the same basis as that granted to serving members of the judiciary.

Most of these benefits would be considered taxable for the rest of the Guyanese. But not for the President. And if you think this is bad, consider that under this act, he will never again have to pay capital gains tax or property tax in Guyana, not ever! The one good thing is that this legislation exists in an act which any later Parliament can amend or repeal. It is worth speculating whether Mr Jagdeo could take the country to court if the Parliament were to repeal this immoral and colossally expensive act. In fact, that is itself a burden.

Clearly then the President does not have to bother personally about the impact of taxes or even VAT. While Mr Jagdeo is a consumer and would therefore suffer VAT on some purchases, unlike other ordinary Guyanese, his take-home pay and his gross pay are about the same. For the average Joe, VAT at 16% would have to be paid out of income already taxed at 33⅓%.

Selling VAT
Not being subject to the country’s wide, deep and draconian menu of taxes, the President may have honestly felt that the VAT is no burden. But let us remember that for practical purposes, he is also the country’s economist-in-chief, is a big spender and knows something about money and the nation’s finances. He played a big role in selling VAT to the nation, the architect-in-chief of a VAT system introduced under his watch four years ago. Yes, we may have adjusted and adapted to VAT and its sister, Excise Tax, but let us not forget that they only came into existence on January 1, 2007.

Having pronounced on the non-burden of VAT, the President then makes what he considers a natural progression in his line of reasoning: there is no need to revise it to lower it. But here he is being disingenuous. He and his Finance Minister have been reminded about his own sweeping, unqualified and oft-repeated commitment to VAT being “revenue-neutral.” So memory lapse is not an excuse. The nation has helped to remind him even as the people plead for relief.

But it did not need an economist to know that VAT was almost instantaneously a burden. Ram & McRae had said in its Budget Focus 2008 that “at some point the law and the tax can become excessively burdensome.” The accounting firm added that “if this point had not been reached, we certainly are very close.”

Remembering GUYEXPO
There was however no need to consider what others said or felt. Just consider what the President and his Finance Minister have said and how they have danced in delicate step on the question of VAT. The President needs no reminder of his speech at the opening of GUYEXPO 2006 during which he repeated his government’s commitment to the revenue-neutrality of VAT when he announced: “We said from the very beginning that VAT should be revenue-neutral, we are not looking to increase the collection of taxes, increase taxes or the revenue base with the introduction of this tax.”

Or that on its introduction, the government was adamant that the rate of 16% was arrived at after careful consideration and that any concession to the pleas of the trade union movement, consumer groups and civil society would undermine the Value Added Tax. Finance Minister Dr Ashni Singh insisted in his mid-year report of 2007 that the tax was revenue neutral. In fact, if we go back some months before the presentation of that report, Dr Singh, rapidly demonstrating all the schemes and skills of a politician, and disparaging the members of the opposition for suggesting that there would be a windfall, made it pellucidly clear how the government had computed “revenue neutrality.”

On page 206 of the Hansard records of the February 15, 2007 sitting of the National Assembly dealing with VAT he said, “If we turn to table VI of the Estimates, we see that the actual collections from the taxes that were abolished with the introduction of VAT, generated a total revenue of $24.3B last year, and so if the actual collections for these taxes were $24.3B for last year, and the projected collection for VAT is $24.8B, I have great difficulty in understanding where, Mde Speaker, is the windfall? These are facts of the matter.”

Well, if revenue neutrality was the goal and commitment, Jagdeo and Singh have gouged the people of this country more than fifty billion dollars.

Dancing with the facts
Dr Singh had to slither a bit when the results for full-year 2007 became public. It showed that VAT and Excise Tax had exceeded budget by $12.6 billion, or 49%. In fact for VAT alone the excess was a staggering 76% but since the two taxes were linked by the government in its revenue neutral commitment, the correct measure was the 49% excess in the combined rate.

By then of course, both the President and the Minister of Finance were aware that the rate of 16% was in fact the result of a mistake which his government had discovered very soon after VAT’s introduction. But instead of correcting the mistake, the government, under pressure to modify the rate, extended a deceptive compromise by agreeing to monitor implementation and make adjustments as necessary to bring relief.

Pity the Poor
For consumers, this was no theoretical matter. VAT is a tax on them. If the tax is not properly formulated, it is a hugely regressive system of taxation because it is imposed on expenditure. The poor do not earn enough to save; they are more affected by VAT than those who earn enough to save. Let us forget for a while that the business class has also exploited the VAT and are the biggest VAT cheats. I have in my possession a single invoice issued earlier this year by a Berbice businessman that was not only in breach of the VAT Act but cheats the revenue of close to $100,000! And that is one invoice for one businessman on one customer.

Sorry about the digression. By the time of VAT’s introduction, the government had removed the lower rate of 20% for the first band of taxable income. The wretched poor and not so poor therefore found themselves in the same tax bracket as the better off folks, paying the same rate of personal tax on income – 33⅓% – and out of the balance were then forced to pay the incorrect, immoral rate of 16% on the VAT-able items of goods and services they consume, including the meal at the corner restaurant.

With all the cheats and cheating, VAT even with poor administration is a huge tax gatherer. And the IMF and the government tried their best and placed considerable resources in ensuring that the poor did not get away. Pity that the same effort was not placed against the VAT cheats that dominate our commercial centres and rural areas. VAT has continued to be a major revenue source and even in 2010 when we expect the economy to grow by less than 3%, VAT takings over the first half of 2009 were 9%. Despite this, the Minister expects the full year increase to be only 5%!

Table: Central Government Abstract Revenue by Head
G$ Millions

Source: National Estimates and Mid-year Report 2010

Conclusion
When the first year results of VAT became known, Ram & McRae confidently and generously said in its Focus on Budget 2008 after the size of the windfall became known that “it would now be immoral for the Government to renege on its commitment to adjust the rate of the tax to make it revenue-neutral.”

Since the year of VAT’s introduction, the economy has grown by 5.4%, 3.1% and 2.3% and for this year it is projected to grow by 2.9%. Compare that with the growth of VAT collection for the same years: 47.82%, 1.06%, 20.4% and close to 6%. But if you take what he said at GUYEXPO 2006, those things had nothing to do with revenue neutrality.

Once again President Jagdeo and Dr Singh have been caught out. I am not sure they care, however, well looked after as they are and with the peoples’ taxes available to silence critics and buy support. My own view is that VAT should be made into an election issue. I am prepared to consider casting my vote for a party that commits itself to correcting the dishonesty that has characterised VAT.

PSC and VAT

Introduction

The statement made by Chairman of the Private Sector Commission (PSC) in a letter published in the Sunday Stabroek of December 30, 2007 “reiterating” the position of the PSC that it wanted the government to continue the present and unjustifiable 16% VAT rate and to apply it to reforming (reducing?) income and corporate taxes has shocked not only the general public but even members of the business body for its insensitivity to the plight of scores of thousands of Guyanese. No one would argue against the need to lower the harsh rate of personal tax even after the 20% increase in the personal allowance announced by the President for 2008. But to ask that those either off or at the bottom rung of the economic ladder and consumers currently reeling from a rate of inflation not seen in this country for over a decade should finance those fortunate to own shares in companies, either shows how little the captains of industry care about their workers – let alone those too old or unable or ill to find employment or because for example they have to look after close family – or how little they appreciate the workings of the economy.

Tax rates and thresholds are only relevant to those who earn or declare taxable income. Even when the threshold was $28,000 per month, a large number of employed persons both in the state and private sectors earned less than that amount. The increase in the threshold and lowering of the tax rates would therefore bring no relief to them, nor to those who are unemployed, nor those who have just been awarded an increase in pensions taking them to $6,000 per month. Nor those in receipt of public assistance of $4,500 per month, among whom are single parents and persons medically unfit to work. Is it the considered view of the PSC that out of these princely sums, these fifty thousand persons – to use the President’s numbers – should continue to pay VAT at 16% on the flour they use, cooked foods at working class restaurants or baby foods, which the PSC now asks to be used to pay for lower rates of corporate tax and income tax for those earning relatively so much more than them?

Private sector rhetoric

Mr. Correia’s letter in which he subordinates the “increase in the cost of living [which is] on the mindset of most Guyanese at this point in time” to the country being “better positioned for economic expansion than ever before” is better suited to political rhetoric than practical reality. How could someone holding such an exalted position not be aware that for seven consecutive years from 1991 to 1997 growth rates never fell below 5.1% and the average annual growth was 7.1%? Instead of expressing concern about excessive taxation he enthuses about the “impressive” collection of taxes – a statement that even the tax collecting agency has not made.

Mr. Correia’s letter was prompted by an editorial in the Stabroek Business of 28.12.07 which questioned whether the PSC’s silence on issues having a direct bearing on businesses might have been due to a fear of reprisal or victimisation. His defence of the silence as reflecting a cautious and more mature approach to engaging the political administration raises the further question as to when the PSC came to this recognition. Was it when the President put aside his script at the 2006 GUYEXPO to lambaste Correia (as immature?) for raising the most dominant issue at the time, which was followed by an absence of contact between the PSC and the Government for several months? Since it is clearly not immature to robustly advance the cause of one’s constituents, is Correia in fact admitting that, that would be unacceptable to the Government or that the obligation to act maturely rests on one side only?

Tough questions

My concern about the lack of depth in Mr. Correia’s letter which I understand was issued with little or no consultation with members is heightened by his assertion that the PSC’s Technical Bulletin contained their analysis of the performance of the economy for the first six months. Even the Bulletin itself admits that much of its data “was drawn from the Mid-Year Report 2007 which was recently released by the Ministry of Finance”. There was absolutely no analysis and the Bulletin was essentially a rehash of the Mid-year report issued by the Ministry of Finance, tables and all.

While the Statement issued by the PSC after the meeting with the Minister in December stated that he “provided an update on recent developments in the economy and on the outlook for the remainder of the year (there were twelve days left of the year), and responded to a number of questions asked by the PSC delegation”, neither the PSC nor its Chairman would volunteer whether the meeting at which the PSC was represented by its insiders asked a single searching question of the Minister, such as why the Minister did not give the latest information on VAT collections or why his mid-year report was not presented within the statutory timeframe. Is it now part of the more mature approach not to ask why the Statistics Bureau suddenly stopped publishing monthly Consumer Price Index figures since July when the year-to-date (January-July) price change was a whopping 13.8%? Or why the Bank of Guyana has not issued its half-year report as it had done for the past several years?

Why the secrecy?

Instead of allowing the repetition of statements in circulation about the publication of important information on the economy, the private sector and indeed all who are interested in the economy need reassurance that the Ministry of Finance has not given any instructions to the Bank of Guyana (which ought to enjoy considerable independence) and the Statistics Bureau (which falls within the portfolio of the Minister of Finance) to delay the publication of information vital to understanding the economy. Regrettably, the PSC does not help its image by its failure to make available to its members or the public a copy of the letter it delivered to the Minister prior to the December meeting, raising suspicion that this was part of an agreement with the Minister.

In fact the tendency by the Government to make announcements not based on the technical work done by professionals but on what might be considered politically acceptable or wishful thinking is assuming dangerous proportions. Is it realistic to expect a Bank of Guyana which has been reluctant to demonstrate its independence to publish a half-year report that contradicts in any significant way the one sent out by the Minister?

And more troubling is the President’s announcement at his first press conference for 2008 that the inflation rate at year end was 13.9%. Sitting with the President was the Minister of Finance who came into the Government as a technocrat and who had only some weeks before announced a 12.2% inflation for the half-year, a level which according to the Statistics Bureau increased by about 1 percentage point in July, taking it to over 13%. Would the Minister or the Statistics Bureau tell the President that neither time nor inflation has stood still since the end of July? The President’s statement can create a huge problem for the Head of the Statistics Bureau Lennox Benjamin if the results of the professional work of the stats Bureau were to come up with numbers that are significantly different from those announced by the President.

Obsequiousness

It goes without saying that the PSC and its leadership ought to be mature but for them to overlook key issues in order to be accepted as engaging the political administration would betray a sad obsequiousness. Tax rates are indeed a critical issue but what the PSC seems to be unaware of is the extent of the difference between nominal rates and effective rates of tax paid by companies and the self-employed.

Some time ago I surprised a key policy formulator with data that showed that the effective rate paid by a particular sector was just half of the 45% nominal rate, a situation which is unlikely to be an aberration or unique to that sector. Then there is the extensive regime of tax holidays under the Income Tax (In Aid of Industry) Act, particularly since the amendment to that Act in 2003 or the several tax and other concessions that are given to a wide range of companies which are exploiting our natural resources for doing us the favour of paying our nationals wages that are well below international average. And can we ignore that huge body of taxpayers who continue to cheat the system and resent any attempts to bring them into the net?

Mr. Correia may not be aware that Guyana has an extremely attractive regime of export allowances which is probably a breach of the WTO Rules and which has long since been abolished by some regional countries including Trinidad and Tobago. Or he may be conveniently ignoring the fact that our tax laws treat unearned income and capital gains more favourably than the income earned by employed persons. And that under former President Desmond Hoyte the estates of those who spent their lives evading taxes were relieved of any death taxes, while removing such pro-poor allowances like child allowances and mortgage interest.

It is unlikely that the PSC would be interested in reversing the anti-poor, pro-rich nature of the tax laws but should the Government and labour not be interested in at least drawing attention that it cries out for action? What the PSC should be interested in however, even at the risk of being considered immature, is to hold the Government to its commitment to make VAT revenue neutral and point out the inconsistency of the Government’s position on this commitment. Surely the PSC cannot forget the President’s words at the GUYEXPO 2006 when he said “We said from the very beginning that VAT should be revenue neutral, we’re not looking to increase the collection of taxes, increase [taxes or] the tax base with the introduction of this tax.” Now that the money has poured in by more than even critics had predicted, the tune has changed to “VAT is revenue neutral but the increased collection was mainly attributed to the expansion of the tax base“. (Italics in this paragraph mine).

Conclusion

Of course, the commitment that VAT would be revenue-neutral was made to the country at large and it is the entire country that should insist on the Government honouring that commitment. But the PNC-R now hardly pretends to be an effective opposition and the labour movement is struggling for its existence, let alone its independence leaving a few individuals, Red Thread, the consumer group led by Eileen Cox and political leader CN Sharma to raise their voices against the harsher elements of the VAT.

If the PSC wants to reiterate anything it should be to demand meaningful tax reform and proper expenditure management. If it does not do so urgently it will find or indeed is already finding – to borrow from Murphy – that expenditure expands to meet the revenue collected from VAT and other taxes.

An underlying failure of the PSC over the years is partly the result of the serious conflicts facing its leaders as they seek simultaneously to further the interests of their often private businesses and the wider interests of their constituents. Unless private sector organisations change the rules of disclosure of their company’s interests in matters with the Government while ostensibly negotiating with it, give their CEOs a more leading role in advocacy (remember Pat Thompson?), promote more openness and transparency and strengthen the quality of their leadership, they will continue to find that they can only engage the government on its terms, and those will seldom coincide with the interests of the PSC’s constituents.